DAN MEYER

Chapter Five.

Outline of the Kinds of Belief and of Worship, Especially the Polytheistic


§. 54.

Even a mere survey of the forms of cult, if it were to be wholly general, would furnish material for a lengthy treatise of its own. The East alone, that fatherland of religions: how many remarkable phenomena of belief and worship it has brought forth from of old! In keeping with our purpose, we shall merely indicate here some main points, each of which would make a chapter if properly discussed. In particular, we shall set down in a few words, as landmarks, some reminders from the polytheistic religions of Western Asia, Greece, and Rome.

First, the religious mode of thought of the East has stamped itself in the following main forms of belief and thought: the doctrine of emanation, the system of materialism, dualism, and pantheism218. To these must be added the monotheism of the Hebrews, and other forms of religion.

Polytheism alone spreads out into countless branches and twigs, of which traces are found in the cults of the peoples of Western Asia, the Greeks, and the Romans. We name some main forms, each of which is to be noted in its origin and development:

  • Fetishism. Probable origin of the name. Crudest form, and gradual refinement.
  • Nature-worship in material form. Its three roots, the objects of its veneration, its character.
  • Worship of the elements; fire-worship.
  • Star-worship (its stages).
  • Veneration of the phallus and the myllos (orgiastic worship).
  • Animal-worship.
  • Worship of the dead (the Roman concept of the Manes; festivals of souls).
  • Veneration of heroes, and other subordinate kinds.

§. 55.

If we ask about the definite expressions of religious belief, especially polytheistic belief, our gaze falls first on the places chosen for worship.

Occasions for this choice: physical causes. Examples: the chasm at Delphi; the cave of Trophonius; the spring Olympias on the Alpheus, which ran dry every other year, near which fire came out of the earth, and where a secret worship of the Great Goddesses was celebrated yearly219.

Other remarkable features: ancient trees, at Samos, at Delos, on the Acropolis at Athens, at Dodona, in Syria, in Arcadia (the plane tree of Menelaus)220. Sacred groves, among Greeks and Romans and among the ancient Germans221. The oldest tribal seats, or other places memorable to the people through old events.

Above all, mountains. The wide spread of this custom, and the ideas connected with it. Legends of the Eastern peoples: of the Indians about their Meru, of the Persians about Mount Albordj. The sacred worship of the Persians on the heights222. Religious judgments of the Greeks on the choice of sacred places223. Later, temples.

[§. 55, continued]

Rites of worship. The mute actions of a crude people224. Invocations.

Origin of the Greek name for the deity: θεός. Diversity of the accounts among ancients and moderns:

  • the gods are the ordainers, hence their name: “θεούς, ὅτι κόσμῳ θέντες τὰ πάντα πρήγματα” [“gods, because they had set all things in order”]225;
  • they are so called from θέειν [“to run”], from the movement of the heavenly bodies226, as has also been compared with the Chinese name for heaven, Tien;
  • from fear, δέος;
  • from beholding, θέω, θεάω, θεάομαι (as overseers, or because they are known only through contemplation);
  • or the word has an Egyptian origin, from θεύς227.

With greater probability, critical students of language have drawn attention to the Aeolic name of the highest god. He was called Δεύς, and with a sibilant prefixed Σδεύς, from which Ζεύς and θεός arose. With this the Aeolians designated the highest being, as the Dorians called it Ζάν and the Ionians Ζήν. The first form, Δεύς, also Δίς, is derived from the old cult of the Curetes; and however that may be, it is related to the Roman Deus and Dis. Hesychius also ascribes the form Δέα to the Tyrrhenians, by which they are said to have designated one of the older highest deities of female sex, Rhea228.

Inferences from the above concerning the polyonymy of the Greek gods. The relatively late origin of the multiplicity of divine names in Greece. Comparison of this fact with reports of other peoples229.

Prayer-formulas of the ancients, especially of the Greeks and Romans. Direction and posture of those praying (toward the east among Greeks and Romans)230.

§. 56.

Sacrifice. Various explanations of its origin, and examination of these opinions. Choice of the objects to be sacrificed. The remarkable Greek legend that the oldest sacrifices were bloodless, and that plants and trees were first offered to the gods. Original meaning of θύειν and θυσία231. Thus [incense].a Various judgments on this.

Distinction of ages and of national characters. The wild Arcadian Lycaon had shed the blood of a child on the altar of his Zeus; Cecrops of Sais commands that cakes be offered on the altar of Zeus at Athens232. So the harsh was softened by lawgivers. Mythic memories of the Athenians from the times of the oldest sacrificial worship: the Διιπόλια and Βουφόνια of the Attic primeval age233. A similar softening of manners the Romans ascribed to their Numa234.

Other characteristic expressions: βουθυτεῖν; ἱερεῖα, ἄρτια, τέλεια [“victims, unblemished, perfect”]. Sacrificial animals of various kinds. The concept of the ἑκατόμβη.

On the kinds and the purposes of sacrifices235. Gifts, votive offerings (ἀναθήματα). Temple treasures. Religious vows of various kinds. Aberrations of peoples given over to wild nature-worship.

Acts of worship. Festivals. Origin and occasions. Celebration of the new moon. Sun festivals. Festive celebration at the close of greater periods of time. Character of the festivals: festivals of mourning and of joy; festivals of double character; harvest festivals, and so on. Festivals of the dead. Nocturnal festivals. Festive music and dance, scenic apparatus, masked processions, banquets, and the like. Remark on the fundamental trait of the original Greek festivals: cheerfulness236. A glance at the Roman festival calendar.

Relation of religious belief to idolatry. Examples of peoples who do without images in the worship of the stars or the elements237. The great antiquity of image-worship proper. Its origin (see above, in the first chapter).

Among the greatest peoples of the primeval world, natural objects themselves, stones especially, in which divine symbols were recognized, were the oldest objects of veneration; and that either as nature had formed them, or with slight assistance from the human hand238. The widely spread belief that the deity had itself sent its image down from heaven to earth (διιπετὲς ἄγαλμα).

On the baetyls (βαιτύλια, βαίτυλοι). Origin of the word from the Syrian and Phoenician language: בית אל [Beth-El, “house of God”]239. The Greek explanation, and the myths connected with it240.

Some sacred stones: the stone at Pessinus in Galatia, sacred to Cybele; the stone of the sun-god Elagabalus; the sacred stone before the temple at Delphi241. The last example cited recalls at the same time the widespread custom of anointing stones.

Legends of the Telchines as the first inventors of images of the gods, Diodorus Sic. lib. V, cap. 55, and assessment of these legends. θεοποιοί for sculptors; cf. J. Frid. Gronov on Statius, Thebaid IX. 58.

Even when art had advanced far, those natural images of the gods, even the most shapeless stones, remained objects of veneration. Many traces of this had survived in the temples of Western Asia, Greece, and Italy242.

Other kinds of images: ξόανον (carved image), Hesych. s. v., and the interpreters there (delubrum; Servius on Virgil, Aen. II. 225, IV. 56; compare Gerh. Vossius, Etymologicum s. v.); βρέτας; ἀνδριάς, and other designations; compare Potter, Archaeol. I. 464; ἄγαλμα. On the proper and tropical meanings of this many-meaning word, see Ruhnken on Timaeus, p. 5.

Increasing expense in the choice of material for images of the gods. Justin Martyr, de Monarchia Dei p. 81, and the classic passage of Sophocles there. Allusions of the ancients to this luxury: Lucian, de Sacrific. p. 356.

Customs at the setting up of images of the gods243. Dedicatio. Consecratio. The hope, from the effect of these consecrations, that the deity itself would descend into these images, to these temples and altars. Hence, on the one hand, the care to fetter the images of the gods in public need, or the various arrangements made to bind a city bodily, as it were, to the god believed present244; on the other, the evocationes, which the Romans often used245.

Out of that old belief later philosophers, especially in their struggle with Christianity, built theories. So Iamblichus had maintained that not only those διοπετῆ [“fallen from Zeus”], but all images of the gods, even those made by human hand, were divine and full of the divine presence246. Other philosophers, on the contrary, made a distinction. They ascribed a symbolic presence of the deity only to holier images worshipped by the initiates, and distinguished these from the ordinary temple idols of public worship247.

§. 57.

The seer (μάντις) and the priest, chiefly among Greeks and Romans; and mantic art and priesthood according to these peoples’ ideas.

The mediator between gods and men is the sacrificer (ἱερεύς) and diviner from the sacrifice (haruspex). He is the seer, who sees the hidden through divine signs (μάντις)248. He is the watcher of birds (οἰωνοπόλος, auspex). He is the interpreter of dreams (ὀνειροπόλος).

Sometimes the belief in magic joins with him: a belief that some consider so deeply grounded and essential that they think it explains most naturally the origin of the priestly dignity itself. Without subscribing to this conviction, we remark that this idea of priestly magical power is found not only among quite crude peoples249, but in some traces among the Greeks as well. At least some imagined Orpheus and Amphion, who in legend counted as men invested with high royal or priestly dignity, as magicians who worked the wonders told of them by their extraordinary powers250.

Yet among Greeks and Romans the priest remained sharply separated from the magician (γόης), and the former stood out far before the latter, as a publicly acknowledged and highly honoured person. The origin and oldest form of the priestly dignity among the most cultivated peoples of antiquity, and especially among the Greeks and Romans, speak for this too.

Connection of the priesthood with the rights of the father of the house. Connection of the priesthood with the royal dignity. Traces of this in the ἄρχων βασιλεύς [“king archon”] and the rex sacrificulus, with definite reports of the ancients251.

Separation of the royal dignity from the priesthood, for various reasons, and often by stages, often at once252. Hereditary priesthood in sacred families, among Indians, Hebrews, Egyptians. Priestly families of Greece and Western Asia. Certain priestly privileges of the Εὐπατρίδαι at Athens since Theseus. The old Thracian family of the Eumolpidae, which had first settled at Eleusis253. Parallel between the older Thracian priests and the Egyptian ones.

The Κήρυκες; the Ἐτεοβουτάδαι; the Thaulonidae. At Argos the Acestoridae. The Branchidae, a priestly family at the temple of Apollo Didymaeus in the territory of Miletus254.

Names of the priesthoods. Sometimes all successors kept the name of the first founder of a temple, like the Αἴαντες, also called Τεῦκροι255. Proper names of office: the Μεγάβυζοι, as the priests of Artemis at Ephesus were called. The ancients are silent on whether this was a family name or an official name. It was frequent among the Persians, even among the most eminent persons256. Examples of other official names of priestly persons: Μέλισσαι, the priestesses of Demeter; Θυσιάδες, of Proserpina; Κερνοφόροι, certain priestesses in the worship of Rhea; Γέραιραι, priestesses in the Bacchic secret worship at Athens257.

Qualities that conditioned the calling to the priesthood. Perfection of body. The idea connected with ὁλόκληροι and ἀφελεῖς258. Sometimes beauty as well: at Aegae in Achaea, in older times, the most beautiful boy was priest of Zeus259.

Other requirements; here a necessary distinction of ages. Theano in Homer, who held the priesthood of Athena, was married (Iliad VI. 298), with the noteworthy remark of Eustathius on the passage that higher antiquity did not require celibacy of the priest; cf. Herodot. I. 31. Sons of priests are also mentioned. The vow of perpetual virginity. Sometimes they remained priestesses only until puberty. Also univirae [“once-married women”]260.

Roman ideas of the priesthood. Priest in the wider and the narrower sense; in the latter case, distinction from soothsayers and diviners261. Old worship of the gods by the individual Roman gentes. Public worship, and their mutual relation. State and religion under the Roman constitution. The Collegium Pontificum, the Senate. Influence of the legislative power262. Was the Pontifex maximus a private person?263

§. 58.

On divination. Range of this word, and the lack of a corresponding term in German. The Μαντική of the Greeks and the Divinatio of the Romans. Its two main parts: prophecy (Weissagung) and soothsaying (Wahrsagung). Division into natural and artificial divination264.

Origin of divination, especially of the Greek. Principal passages on it265. Epochs of divination as a whole266. The countless kinds of divination cited by older and later writers. Account of some principal kinds, and discussion of their outer and inner occasions:

Interpretation of dreams. Ὀνειροπόλοι, ὀνειροσκόποι. Ideas of crude or barbarous peoples. Outlines of anthropology and psychology according to the ideas of Homeric man. Nature, seat, and fate of the soul. Dreams (ὄνειροι)267. Kinds of dream-interpretation: Ὀνειροκριτική. Dream-oracles. Incubationes, Ἐγκοιμήσεις268.

Prophecy from the flight and song of birds. Οἰωνιστική. Ideas of the Eastern peoples about the excellences and powers of birds, especially the high-flying ones. The Greek belief in birds that fall from the high air269. Gradation of observation: first natural perceptions, then artificial arrangements. Greek οἰωνοσκόποι; Etruscan and Roman augures. Division of the regions of the sky. The lituus. Alites, praepetes, oscines (voices, flight, and other manifestations of birds were observed by rule)270.

In this connection, the Disciplina Etrusca, which also extended to other kinds of celestial and terrestrial phenomena: observation of the passage of clouds, of lightning, thunder, rivers, earthquakes, and the like. Beginnings and development of an ancient meteorology through these efforts. The libri fulgurales, tonitruales, and augurales of the Etruscans and Romans; the libri Acheruntici of the Etruscan Tages271. The pullarii of the Romans.

Divination from sacrifice (ἱερομαντεία, ἱεροσκοπία, haruspicina). Its divisions. The libri haruspicini of the Etruscans. Prophecy from the entrails of sacrificial animals, extispicium, in Greece, Etruria, and Rome. Observation of the sacrificial flame and smoke272: πυρομαντεία, καπνομαντεία.

Other kinds of divination were: by water, and sometimes by basins, πυρομαντεία [sic], λεκανομαντεία273.b Occasioning ideas of the fundamental forces of nature and the mightiest elements, among which fire and water were especially counted: ideas connected with the use of fire and water in Roman marriage customs, as with other customs of the ancients, and in part of more modern peoples too274.

The consulting of rods, ῥαβδομαντεία. And finally, not to name more kinds here, the widespread necromancy, νεκρομαντεία, which was more developed than many kinds of divination and was practised at particular places in oracles of the dead (νεκυομαντεῖα)275.

§. 59.

Oracles. General designations of the places: χρηστήρια. Origin of the word: χρᾶν and χρᾶσθαι, and the form of the perfect reserved specifically for the idea of giving oracles: κέχρησμαι276. But χρηστήρια also designates the sacrificial victims slaughtered before an oracular response was obtained277. Μαντεῖα.

Names of the givers of oracles: χρησμολόγοι, by which, however, single oracle-speakers were sometimes meant, like Amphilytus there278. Names of the oracular sayings: θεοπρόπια279, χρησμοί, λόγια280, and μαντεύματα281.

Occasions for the origin of oracles: manifold, as with sacred places in general. Very old and widespread are the legends of prophesying women, or women interpreting the oracles of the deity. Sibyls. Origin of this name282. Gradation of the Sibylline prophecies, in Asia, in Greece, and in Rome, down to the times of firmly established Christianity283.

Settlements of oracle-priests, and fixed, lasting seats of oracles. Reasons for the choice of a particular place: no doubt various. Sometimes at a beneficent spring, with which antiquity often connected the idea of the gods’ nearness284; or at places where remarkable phenomena of nature excited attention or produced extraordinary effects285; or where perhaps the remains of a famous seer were buried, and similar occasions.

A glance at the oracles of the Greeks, and those connected with them. The principal passage on them, where the following are listed: the oracle at Delphi, that at Abae in Phocis, that at Dodona, the oracle of Amphiaraus and of Trophonius, that of the Branchidae in the territory of Miletus, and the oracle of Ammon in Libya286.

Distinction of the oracles of single tribes, which, though partly very old, were often regarded only as private institutions. Traces of old oracles of the dead: the νέκυια in the Odyssey, and other reports among the ancients. Dream-oracles. The oracle of Trophonius287. A Thracian oracle is also mentioned, with allusions that refer to an Orphic priestly institution and to the civilizing of the barbarians there through laws. Tablets (σανίδες) called “of Orpheus” are mentioned in this connection288.

The oracle at Dodona. The oldest in Hellas, according to many legends, and belonging to the Pelasgian period. Egyptian legend of its origin: priestesses (πελειάδες, “doves”) from Thebes in Upper Egypt had founded it, as well as the Ammonium in Libya. Explanation of this legend289. The priests there: the Selli290. Manner of giving oracles. The sacred tree there: φηγός, δρῦς [“oak”], and the φυλλομαντεία [“divination by leaves”] practised by it. But there were also other means of divination there, to which the basin (λέβης) especially belonged291.

The oracle at Delphi, by far more important and more developed than all the others. Its origin and high antiquity. The myths of its successive possessors (Earth, Γαῖα πρωτόμαντις [“Earth the first prophetess”]292; Themis; Phoebe; and Apollo) contain significant hints of its gradual development293. Dionysus too was made a co-possessor of this most important of all Greek oracles294.

This oracle also shows most clearly the influence of such institutions on the cultivation of Greek humanity. They were in part centres of culture; they furthered the tilling of the land; they civilized crude custom by checking blood-revenge295. Recall the oracle of Asclepius at Epidaurus, where medical experiences were written down296.

Public importance of some of these institutions: the oracle at Delphi, in connection with the Amphictyonic court at Pylae, for a long time the political centre of the Hellenic league of states.

Gradual decline of the oracles, the Delphic too: causes and circumstances. Period of complete degeneration. Remarks of the Christian writers on this.

The oracle of Ammon in Libya (see above). Manner of giving oracles, according to Herodotus, similar to that at Dodona297. It was also consulted by Greeks, though more rarely298. Lasting connection of the Greek oracles with the foreign ones, especially with that of the Branchidae and with the Ammonium; while the effect of the former abroad was often very great, especially in the period of their flowering. Recall the Lydian king Croesus. Still more remarkable, however, is the history of the colonization of Cyrene, which was guided entirely by the Delphic oracle299.

The doctrine of the Mysteries, together with the necessary remarks on purifications, fasts, and penances, will find its place in the special part.

[End of Chapter Five.]

NOTES

  1. 218.

    On these systems see Fr. Schlegel, Über die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier, p. 89 ff. On the kinds of belief and worship in general, see Meiners, Allgemeine kritische Geschichte aller Religionen, Hanover 1806, 1807, 2 vols.

  2. 219.

    Pausan. Arcad. cap. 29.

  3. 220.

    Ibid. cap. 20; cf. Ezech. Spanheim on Callimachus, Del. 262.

  4. 221.

    Pliny, Hist. N. XII. 1; Tacitus, German. 39, 40.

  5. 222.

    Herodot. I. 131.

  6. 223.

    The judgment of Socrates on the preference for heights: Xenophon, Memorab. III. 8. 10, and Schütz and Schneider there. Approval of the custom of the people of Tanagra, who thought it unfitting to have temples next to private houses: Pausan. Boeot. cap. 22.

  7. 224.

    Herodot. II. 52.

  8. 225.

    Ibid.

  9. 226.

    Plato, Cratyl. p. 49, Heindorf; cf. Carus, de Cosmotheol. Anaxagor. font. p. 31, note.

  10. 227.

    Lennep, Etymolog. l. gr. p. 251 seq., second ed., where Tib. Hemsterhuis recalls still stranger opinions of the Church Fathers.

  11. 228.

    Lennep, Etymolog. l. gr. p. 234, and the instructive note of Burgess there on Dawes, Miscellan. crit. p. 386. Hesych. I, p. 896 and p. 917, and Alberti there. Zoëga, de Obelisc. p. 205, and Barthélemy there, who explains Δεύς etc. as “Lord.”

  12. 229.

    Διόνυσος πολυώνυμος [“Dionysus of many names”]: Triclinius on Sophocles, Antigone 113. [Tr.: The original prints “113.” Creuzer probably means the scholion on the ode to Dionysus that opens with πολυώνυμε (line 1115 in modern numbering), but the printed figure is kept.] The many-named Artemis; Isis μυριώνυμος [“of ten thousand names”] in Gruter’s inscriptions. Reports of the many-named deities of India: Jones, Abhandlungen über Asien I. 210.

  13. 230.

    Lipsius on Tacitus, Hist. III. 24.

  14. 231.

    The principal passage on this is from Theophrastus, in Porphyry, de Abstinent. II. 5, p. 108, ed. Rhoer, and from there in Euseb. Praepar. Ev. I, p. 28; cf. Plato, de Legg. p. 875. βωμοὶ ἀναίμακτοι [“bloodless altars”] here and there in Greece, as remnants of the old worship: at Delos, on which alone Pythagoras sacrificed, Clem. Alex. Strom. VII, p. 848, Potter; the altar of Peace at Athens, Aristoph. Pax 1020.

  15. 232.

    Pausan. Arcad. cap. 33.

  16. 233.

    The legends in Theophrastus, l. c.; compare Aelian, V. H. VIII. 3, and the commentators there. The διιπολιώδη [“Dipolia-like things”] were old-fashioned things, in the usage of Aristophanes, Nub. 979, where the Scholiast should be compared.

  17. 234.

    Plutarch, Numa, T. I, p. 64, Francof.

  18. 235.

    For example σπονδαί, λοιβαί, libamina, libationes; ὁλόκαυστα [“whole burnt offerings”], etc.

  19. 236.

    The Hellenic mode of thought may be judged from passages such as Hesiod, Ἔργα 735, and from Hesychius and Suidas under οὐδὲν ἱερόν [“nothing sacred”]. Spanheim has collected much on joy as the prevailing character of Greek festivals, on Callimachus, Del. 324. Meursius, Graecia feriata, gives more data. On the Romans see Ovid’s Fasti, and the small but rich work of Joannes Lydus, de mensibus, which, though of late date, drew for the most part on older sources, which he often cites; not to mention other writers.

  20. 237.

    Herodot. I. 131, on the ancient Persians. Explanation of this passage. On the other hand, for mythic traces of the antiquity of image-worship among other peoples, see e.g. Diodor. Sicul. III, cap. 58.

  21. 238.

    Meiners, allgem. krit. Gesch. der Religionen I, pp. 150, 412 ff., makes good remarks on the occasions of image-worship, but wrongly excludes artefacts altogether from the emblems (allegorical images). We need only recall the sistrum and the Nile key.

  22. 239.

    Bethel; see Münter, Über die vom Himmel gefallenen Steine der Alten, translated by Markussen, p. 12. The stone Abaddir mentioned by Priscian is also derived there from the Oriental: “divine stone.”

  23. 240.

    From βαίτη, a goat-skin or sheepskin; see Hesych. I, 679, ed. Alberti. It was the stone wrapped in a skin that Kronos had swallowed.

  24. 241.

    Appian, de bell. Mithrid. 56; Livy XXIX. 10; Herodian V. 3; Pausan. Phocic. 24. Further examples are given by Münter; Falconet, Sur les Bétyles (Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions IX, p. 189); Bellermann; (de Brosses, Du culte des dieux fétiches). Münter has compared the baetylia, and the brontia, ombria, and ceraunia, with the modern aerolites.

  25. 242.

    Here belongs the umbilicus of Jupiter Ammon in Curtius IV. 7. 23; compare my Dionysus 249; and the meta (conical form) of the Aphrodite at Paphos, see Tacitus, Histor. II. 3 f.; compare Lenz’s treatise Die Göttin zu Paphos, p. 2.

  26. 243.

    Scholiast on Aristophanes, Ran. 218; Suidas under χύτροι.

  27. 244.

    So the Ephesians did with their Artemis, Herodot. I. 26, Aelian, V. H. III. 26; the Tyrians with their Heracles, Curtius IV. 3. In Tyre, however, this is said to have been a lasting custom.

  28. 245.

    As at Veii, Livy V. 21 seq.: “Visne Romam ire, Juno?” [“Will you go to Rome, Juno?”]. Compare Pliny, H. N. XXVIII. 2, where, after Verrius Flaccus, the universality of this custom is spoken of, which the political, tolerant pantheism introduced and fostered.

  29. 246.

    Θεῖα καὶ θείας μετουσίας ἀνάπλεα [“divine, and full of participation in the divine”], in the work περὶ ἀγαλμάτων [On Images], which John Philoponus had attacked; see Photius, Bibl. Cod. CCXXV. Arnobius too, advers. gent. lib. VI, c. 17, combats such propositions, and seeks to show, from the multiplication of images of the gods and on other grounds, that these ideas are unworthy of the deity. Here also belong the principal passages of Julian, p. 293, and of Maximus of Tyre, p. 301.

  30. 247.

    Proclus on Plato’s Timaeus, p. 83.

  31. 248.

    On this and what follows, see the Greek interpreters on Iliad I. 62, with Heyne’s remarks. Some among the ancients took the concept μάντις generically and universally, and subordinated the ἱερεύς and the ὀνειροπόλος to it. The concept of μαντική was also defined somewhat differently. Xenophon, Memorab. Socr. I. 1. 2, distinguishes θύειν and χρᾶσθαι μαντικῇ [“sacrificing” and “using divination”], and then gives the principal kinds of mantic art.

  32. 249.

    Compare Robertson, History of America, Book 4, p. 452.

  33. 250.

    Pausan. Eliaca c. 20. That Homer already mentions an incantation or formula for staunching the blood of a wound attests the antiquity of the belief in magical effects; see Odyss. XIX. 457.

  34. 251.

    Strabo XIV. 938; Livy II. 2; and many other passages.

  35. 252.

    The king often appointed priests himself. So Romulus, Pliny, H. N. XVIII. 3, and Numa, Dionys. Hal. Antiqq. II. 64, Livy I. 20.

  36. 253.

    Thucyd. II. 15, and the interpreters there.

  37. 254.

    Herodot. VI. 19; I. 92, and the interpreters there.

  38. 255.

    Because Ajax son of Teucer had founded a temple of Zeus: Strabo lib. XIV, p. 989. Sometimes priests and priestesses were also chosen by lot, as at Athens, where again certain families were sometimes considered: Pausan. Achaj. c. 20 and 27. Potter, Archaeolog. I. 492, touches on several circumstances of this. On priests by election, on the δοκιμασία [“scrutiny”], and so on. Example of a public judgment that high integrity qualifies a man for acts of worship: P. Cornelius Scipio, “Optimus de toto populo Romano judicatus sacra Matris Deum manu sua accipit” [“judged the best man of all the Roman people, receives the sacred objects of the Mother of the Gods in his own hand”], Livy XXIX. 14; Cicero, har. resp. 13. This was immortalized on coins; see Hommel, Jurisprudentia numismatibus illustrata p. 46.

  39. 256.

    Herodot. III. 70. Hemsterhuis on Lucian, Timon, I, p. 383, Bip.

  40. 257.

    Spanheim on Callimachus, Pallad. 34, Apoll. 110, Cer. 43; compare Rambach on Potter’s Archäologie I. 495 ff. Both give further examples.

  41. 258.

    Hesych. under ἀφελ[εῖς]. Spanheim on Callimachus, Pallad. 121, Cer. 43.

  42. 259.

    Pausan. Ach. c. 24.

  43. 260.

    Ibid. Boeot. 27; Achaica 19, 26, 25; cf. Spanheim on Callimachus, Apollin. 110, Pallad. 34.

    Those Μεγάβυζοι at Ephesus were eunuchs, Strabo XIV, p. 950 A; at least, it seems, from the time they took up the priesthood. Views of the older teachers of the Church, and their judgments on the δεύτερος γάμος [“second marriage”]: of Epiphanius, Panar. p. 495, of Athenagoras, of Gregory of Nazianzus; cf. Hugo Grotius on 1 Timothy 2, 2; Elmenhorst on Minucius Felix, p. 89. The Romans did not think so of it; see J. Fr. Gronov on Statius, Sylv. p. 244.

  44. 261.

    Cicero, de Legg. II. 8 and cap. 12; compare Meiners, krit. Gesch. der Rel. II. 564.

  45. 262.

    Cornelius van Bynkershoek, de cultu religionis peregrinae apud veteres Romanos; see his Opuscula varia p. 237 seqq.

  46. 263.

    Muretus on Cicero, Catilin. I, p. 539, ed. Ruhnk.

  47. 264.

    Cicero, de Divinat. I. 6; cf. Iamblichus, de myster. Aegypt. III. 1, and Gale there, p. 214, and the principal work cited there, Gassendi, Animadvers. ad Diogen. Laert. X. With these compare Heyne, de fabularum religionumque Graecarum ab Etrusca arte frequentatarum causis, in the Commentationes Soc. Gott. T. III, VI, and VII, and in his Opuscula academica III. 271; further, Meiners, krit. Ges. II. 604 ff.; and Böttiger’s 9th to 12th lectures on mythology.

  48. 265.

    See above §57; compare Böttiger l. c., p. 25, and Odyss. XV. 225 ff. there; Aeschylus, Prometh. 484–95; Plato, Phaedrus p. 245, Heindorf, cap. 59; Pausanias I. 34.

  49. 266.

    Three, according to Böttiger l. l.: divination by dreams, birds, and entrails; the dominion of the oracles; the decline of the oracles and the dominion of magic.

  50. 267.

    Odyss. VI. 13 ff., XXIV. 11, 12; Il. II. 6; cf. the passage already cited above, Iliad I. 62 seqq. See Halbkart, Psychologia Homerica p. 29; Carus, Psychologie, vol. 1.

  51. 268.

    Aeschylus, Prometh. 484; Iamblichus, de Myster. III. 2; Herodot. VII, c. 12 seqq. Incubationes in the cave of Trophonius, in the temple of Aesculapius, of Isis, and elsewhere; cf. Pausan. Phocic. 31.

  52. 269.

    Müller on Herder’s Vorwelt, p. 330. Spanheim on Callimachus, Pallad. 123. The supposedly Pythagorean idea of the migration of souls into the bodies of birds.

  53. 270.

    Cicero, de Divin. I. 17, II. 36; Sophocles, Antigone 987; cf. Meiners, krit. Gesch. 658 ff.

  54. 271.

    Cicero, de Divin. I. 33; Seneca, Quaest. Nat. II. 34 seqq.; cf. Heyne, Novi Comment. Soc. Gott. VII. 25, and Böttiger l. c., p. 28. On Tages and his pupil Bacches, see Spangenberg, de veteris Latii religionibus domesticis p. 31. The Romans made extracts from the books of Tages and commented on them, from which others in turn drew afterwards, such as Laurentius Lydus, περὶ σεισμῶν [On Earthquakes] p. 130 seqq.

  55. 272.

    Aeschylus, Prometh. 492; Perizonius on Aelian II. 31; Cicero, de Divin. I. 16, 40 seqq., II. 22, 33–39. Relation of extispicium to the augural system at Rome and in Greece; compare Meiners p. 648 ff.

  56. 273.

    See on this my Dionysus I, p. 320.

  57. 274.

    On the use in the Roman nuptiae, compare Servius on Virgil, Aen. IV. 103, and what Klotz remarks on Hommel’s Jurisprud. num. illustr. p. 30. Then the testing of innocence by fire and water in antiquity; and later, recall the story of the Vestal Tuccia, Dionys. Hal. Antiqq. II. 69; the Sachsenspiegel and other old German laws; compare Klotz l. l., p. 18.

  58. 275.

    See Cicero, Tusculan. Quaest. I. 16, and Davisius there. Herodot. V. 97 gives an example of an oracle of the dead; compare Pausan. Boeotic. cap. XXX. Many more kinds of divination are noted in Fabricius, Bibliographia antiquaria p. 591; cf. Selden, de Diis Syris p. 221, appendix; Harduin on Pliny, H. N. X et X, sect. 5; Potter’s Archaeologie I, p. 700 ff.; and Mayer, historia Diaboli p. 511, 2nd ed.

  59. 276.

    T. Hemsterhuis in Lennep, Etymolog. L. gr. 841, 2nd ed.

  60. 277.

    Ammonius p. 73, and Valckenaer there, 235 seqq.

  61. 278.

    Who gives Pisistratus a prophecy on his march against Athens: Herodot. I. 62.

  62. 279.

    Which is, however, also used more generally of the sayings of seers, as in Iliad I. 85.

  63. 280.

    The grammarians tried to distinguish χρησμοί and λόγια so that the former referred to rhythmic oracles and the latter to prose ones. The noteworthy passage Thucyd. II. 8 gave occasion to this; see the scholiasts on that passage, and Suidas under λόγια. But the best writers do not observe this distinction, and Eustathius, on Odyss. I, p. 1426, declares the latter word Attic. In the New Testament it is used of the divine promises and of Christian doctrine; see Suicer, Thesaur. II. 248, and Wettstein, N. T. II. 36. The Ionians, as in Herodot. V. 63 and IX. 93, often use πρόφαντα of oracular sayings, for προφαίνειν is said of the gods; cf. Hesych. s. v.

  64. 281.

    Aristoph. Vesp. 161; not to mention several other designations found here and there among the ancients. Of the announcing of oracles, or of the delivering and interpreting of divine sayings, προφητεύειν τῶν θεῶν is said, and these announcers and interpreters are called προφῆται τῶν θεῶν; see Valckenaer on Herodot. p. 555, Wessel. Of the oracle, ἀναιρεῖν [“to respond”] is also often said; see Xenoph. Memorab. Socr. I. 3. 1, and the interpreters there.

  65. 282.

    Derived from the Oriental languages, and also from the Greek; see Salmasius on Solinus, p. 50, and Lennep, Etymolog. p. 654.

  66. 283.

    The principal passage on the Roman Sibyl: Dionys. Hal. Archaeolog. IV. 62. On the Sibylline oracles, increased in every period of writing antiquity, Fabricius, Bibl. gr. I, p. 136, Harles, gives exact references. Böttiger notes the main epochs, mythol. Vorles. p. 29 f.

  67. 284.

    Compare Tacitus, Annal. XIII. 57.

  68. 285.

    For example, the stupefaction that was believed to be felt in Phocis at the cave at Delphi, where the tripod for giving oracles was set up: Pausan. Phocic. cap. 5; Plutarch, de S. N. V. p. 98, and Wyttenbach there. Similar legends of the grottoes of the Sibyls are well known.

  69. 286.

    Herodot. I. 46.

  70. 287.

    See ibid., compared with VIII. 134, and the commentators there; cf. Hemsterhuis on Lucian II, p. 411, on the honey-cakes (μελιτοῦτται) used here.

  71. 288.

    This oracle is ascribed to Dionysus, Herodot. VII, cap. 111. Those allusions are found in Euripides, Hecuba 1267, Alcest. 966, Bacch. 298, where the scholiasts recall the legends about it. Those tablets have been mentioned variously in inquiries into the origin of writing among the Greeks; see Martini on Ernesti’s Archaeolog. Lit. p. 197, and Wolf, Prolegg. ad Homer. p. LXXXII, together with Wagner on Euripides, Alcest. p. 176.

  72. 289.

    Herodot. II. 54 seqq., with Heeren’s remarks, Ideen über die Politik etc. II, p. 461 f.

  73. 290.

    Σελλοί or Ἑλλοί; see Strabo VII, p. 505; cf. Apollodorus, Fragmm. p. 422, ed. Heyn.; Verheyk on Antoninus Liberalis, p. 27; Heyne on Iliad XVI. 234, and Excurs. II, p. 289. Also τόμαροι or τομοῦροι, for which name various reasons are given: from Mount Tomarus, or because they were eunuchs, or to designate the augurs as dividers of the heavens; see Hemsterhuis and Scheidius on Lennep, Etymolog. p. 738. The way of life of these oracle-priests: a strict rule of the order. They belonged to the Pelasgian Tyrrhenians.

  74. 291.

    See the rich fragment of Stephanus of Byzantium, de Dodone, in Gronovius, Thes. Antiqq. Graecc. T. VII; cf. Spanheim on Callimachus, Del. 285. Those oracles are often alluded to, proverbially too; see Spanheim l. l.; the treatises of Sallier, and the more important ones of de Brosses on this oracle, Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions T. XXXV; Heyne’s excursus on it, on Homer’s Iliad T. VII, p. 283 seqq.

  75. 292.

    Aeschylus, Eumenid. init.

  76. 293.

    Which Böttiger has acutely indicated in the mythologische Vorlesungen, p. 31.

  77. 294.

    Namely as god of the power of the earth, as Διόνυσος χθόνιος [“chthonic Dionysus”]; see on this Dionysus p. 304 seqq.

  78. 295.

    Some examples: Herodot. I. 159; Pausan. Ach. c. 21.

  79. 296.

    Pausan. Corinth. cap. 36.

  80. 297.

    Cf., besides the passages of Herodotus cited, Diodor. Sicul. XVII. 50.

  81. 298.

    Pausanias gives an example of the inhabitants of Elis, Eliac. cap. 15, and others more.

  82. 299.

    Herodot. IV. 157 ff. On the Delphic oracle, see Hardion, Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions T. III, 3 treatises (German, Leipzig 1781, with Heyne’s notes), and the more general works of van Dale, Fontenelle, and others.

TRANSLATOR’S NOTES

  1. a.

    Latin tus or thus, “incense,” which Creuzer, following the ancient etymologists, connects with θύειν, “to sacrifice,” originally “to make smoke.” The single word in the outline stands for a lecture topic. [Tr.]

  2. b.

    The original prints πυρομαντεία (“divination by fire”) here, although the sentence speaks of divination by water, and πυρομαντεία has already been listed a few lines earlier under sacrificial divination. The word intended is evidently ὑδρομαντεία. The printed form is kept and marked. [Tr.]

This translation is also published as a paperback. The paperback edition